
==== Front
Heliyon
Heliyon
Heliyon
2405-8440
Elsevier

S2405-8440(24)13886-8
10.1016/j.heliyon.2024.e37855
e37855
Research Article
Learning chemistry of metals in the context of forging: An ethnographic case study of blacksmithing in Guji Oromo, Ethiopia
Tigist Mengesha mengeshat2013@gmail.com
⁎
Alemu Mekbib mekbib.alemu@aau.edu.et

Department of Science and Mathematics Education, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
⁎ Corresponding author. mengeshat2013@gmail.com
11 9 2024
30 9 2024
11 9 2024
10 18 e3785514 3 2024
6 9 2024
11 9 2024
© 2024 The Authors
2024
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/).
This study explores the art of blacksmithing in Guji Oromo to locate underlying chemistry concepts, knowledge, and ways of knowing. The ethnographic case study design was employed, in which 11 blacksmiths were engaged through observation and semi-structured interviews. The data from the interview and observation were separately analyzed and triangulated against each other thematically. As a result, it was found that the blacksmiths in Guji use three mechanisms to identify the quality and suitability of metals collected for redesigning: textual, mechanical, and sparking tests. Besides, blacksmiths with no or little schooling have a remarkable conception of the fundamentals of metals and metallic bonding, malleability and ductility as a measure of metal qualities, rusting as threats to the existence of metals and how to prevent, metallic crystal and micro crystal rearrangement and thermal conductivity of metals. Moreover, the setting and underlying ways of knowing were found to be so constructivist because novices are allowed to explore and learn their way with minimal involvement from the experienced ones. Concerning the origin of blacksmithing, two themes of hypothesis were found in this study. One is that the origination of the art is among the ancestors of Guji themselves, and the other is that the explorers and metallurgists from other communities in Kenya or southern Ethiopia introduced the art. Thus, the narratives are controversial which call for further study. In conclusion, the findings revealed that the blacksmithing practice in Guji has utilizable chemistry contents and concepts that could enhance learning of chemistry by creating familiar context.

Keywords

Indigenous knowledge
Blacksmithing
Knowledge of metals
Chemistry in blacksmithing
School chemistry
==== Body
pmc1 Introduction

Indigenous knowledge systems embody a wealth of wisdom and experience of nature gained over millennia which are verbally transmitted over generations [1]. It is part of the lives of communities in most of the world as their livelihood depends on specific skills and knowledge essential for their survival. Indigenous knowledge (herein after called IK) is relevant to a particular society; it forms part of global knowledge and should be recognized, valued, and appreciated [2].

Even though indigenous knowledge systems (herein after called “IKS”) have significantly contributed to the development and well-being of communities, they are at risk of being lost in many parts of the world. IKS and practices have been secretly possessed and transferred among the members of a few families or communities [3]. This makes it inaccessible and puts it in danger of extinction. The very issue of what to take as indigenous by itself is also potentially controversial. There have been hot debates on the duration of possession, origin, uniqueness, and novelty of practice and underlying knowledge. As a result, phrases such as everyday science, community practice, traditional knowledge, nonwestern science, and the like were used for cases of less uniqueness and novelty [3,4].

At the very heart of the controversies, the practices, underlying activities and knowledge systems have been disregarded or rejected for "not meeting the standard accounts of science" [4]. It is thought to be at odds with conventional science, which is one of the reasons why it is ignored in school science [5]. However, some IK and underlying practices have been gained through observation and often employ empirically derived sound scientific principles that are not necessarily articulated in conventional scientific terms [6]. These knowledge systems, embedded values, ways of knowing, and practices would be epistemologically and pedagogically important in the curricula and instruction of school science [7]. Besides, bringing social beliefs into the classroom creates an opportunity for debate and helps students comprehend concepts, even when it is at odds with school science [6]. Thus, any contextualization of science with optimal integration would be acceptable without jeopardizing the basic definition, nature, and principles of science [8].

Integrating IK into school curricula could increase interest in science, reduce the sense of 'foreignness' that non-western students may experience in science classrooms, and enhance their understanding. Moreover, it encourages the young generation to know, appreciate, value, and preserve the overall way of life and knowledge of its ancestors [9,10]. Some have also shown that the integration of such knowledge and practices into science education has a promising contribution to the restoration and preservation of communities' ways of living and knowing [3,10]. Cognizant of this fact, indigenizing education has been widely advocated in countries such as New Zealand, South Africa, Nigeria, Canada, Australia and Zimbabwe [11,12]. The need to utilize indigenous practices and knowledge systems was also emphasized in Ethiopia's Curriculum Framework for General Education [13] and the Curriculum for Teacher Education [14].

The integration of IK with science curricula has been reported to bring a promising effect on students' interest and academic achievement in countries including New Zealand [11], Indonesia, Australia [15], and Canada [16]. South Africa, Nigeria, and Zimbabwe can be mentioned as countries relatively with better performance from Africa [17,18]. The literature also shows that the integration of IK enhanced students’ positive attitude and motivation toward their national identity, science, and its education [6,11,19].

However, the curricula of many African countries, including Ethiopia, have been criticized for being copied from Western education systems, although it is not unique to Africa [18,20,21], which has led to a loss of identity in general and of motivation for science in particular. In Ethiopia, it was only recently that the new Curriculum Framework for General Education [13] and the new Curriculum of Teacher Education [14] placed a due emphasis on such integration and utilization of indigenous practices and knowledge systems. These documents underlined that school curricula should be organized so that they contain indigenous knowledge of native communities. The emphasis is a positive step because students will be more motivated to pursue science if they see the connection between what they learn and their home culture [22,23]. Besides, this will create an opportunity for learners to actively construct knowledge relevant to their social and cultural settings [6,20].

Despite the integration of IK having an indispensable role, the practices and underlying IKS have not been studied and documented in general and in the local contexts of Ethiopia in an exploitable way [8,[24], [25], [26]]. Furthermore, the literature shows that IK and practices of chemistry, such as blacksmithing, with which metallic properties, metal quality, and purpose can be best elaborated, are approaching the level of extinction. Blacksmithing has been subjected to strict cultural rules and tends to be shrouded in ritual and taboo in many African countries, including Ethiopia [27]. A similar report also indicated the risk of extinction of blacksmithing in the Amhara region of Ethiopia from centuries of cultural influence and globalization [28].

On the other hand, scholars pointed out that blacksmiths in the neighboring communities of Kenya and Ethiopia have an intensive knowledge of the qualities, types, and purposes of different samples of metallic substances [27,29]. The blacksmiths were also reported to be able to practically identify such metallic attributes, mold the raw metals into the desired tools, and maintain the desired level of strength. The blacksmiths were able to do so without the appropriate level and field of formal schooling. Thus, there could be much to be integrated and utilized in the curricula and classroom instruction of chemistry.

The gap, however, is that these aspects of the practice in those communities, such as the Guji, have not been studied at all. Moreover, there are limited resources on how indigenous or local people make sense of the knowledge behind every activity, method, and usage of locally available materials, even in a global context [30]. Even too little was known about how indigenous or local people of one's community were able to master the skills and knowledge of the art without an adequate level of formal education. In particular the epistemological and pedagogical aspects have not been studied at all. With the hope of creating essential insights into what and how to integrate, this study therefore aimed to explore the chemistry in Guji's blacksmithing practice with a special emphasis on the blacksmiths' knowledge and ways of knowing about the qualities, types, and purposes of metals to address the following research questions.(a) What series of activities do the blacksmiths in Guji perform to identify the qualities, types, and purposes of metallic substances?

(b) How do the blacksmiths make sense of the chemical knowledge behind the activities?

(c) How have the blacksmiths acquired chemical knowledge of the qualities, types, and purposes of metallic substances?

2 Methodology

2.1 Research design

Addressing the very purpose of the study demands qualitative data. So, the study is qualitative in its approach. Within the qualitative realm, the study is concerned with examining and making sense of the participants' day-to-day activities, for which ethnography was preferred. However, not all the activities and knowledge systems were targeted. Only those related to the blacksmiths’ sense of nature, qualities, purposes, and usage of metallic substances had to be taken and critically examined.

Moreover, the curiosity to know about the "what" and "how" of the blacksmiths' knowledge of chemistry was the driving force of the study. This is a case of interest that had to be explored and described in detail. Thus, there was also a need for carrying out an in-depth analysis and providing a thick description of the actual "case" and its settings [31,32]. For this reason, the ethnographic case study design was employed. The ethnographic case study is defined as a research design that is dependent on prolonged observation, participation, and engagement in a natural setting within a bounded system [33]. The researcher's observation is at the centre of the research method to understand the sociocultural experience of a cultural group or a subcultural group.

2.2 Study setting

The Guji Oromo are among the few tribes or subgroups of the Oromo ethnicity known for striving to retain their indigenous system of governance, way of life, and knowledge [34,35]. The system governs the community's political, economic, social, and religious activities, including conflict resolution, reparation, and women's rights protection [34]. So, Guji was found to be a good source of cultural practice, such as blacksmithing, from which richer data would be obtained.

The Guji Oromo lives in the southern parts of Ethiopia, mainly in today's East and West Guji administrative zones of the southern Oromia Regional State, as shown in Fig. 1.Fig. 1 Map of the study area (Google Map, 2023).

Fig. 1

The Guji Oromo practiced agriculture and animal husbandry as their dominant means of livelihood. But there are also occupational groups, artisans, who are skillful in handicraft works (known as ogummaa in Afan Oromo) and are collectively known as Ogeyyii, which means experts.

These groups of handicraft workers are potters, blacksmiths, weavers, and tanners. The activities of smiths and their descriptions of phenomena were the focus of this study among these artisan groups. The common parlance used to designate blacksmith is Tumtu, a word derived from the Afan Oromo root word Tumuu, i.e. to forge, and is considered by the blacksmiths as derogatory [36]. Although they have greater social acceptance than the Birroolee (tanners) and Waatolee (potters), they too were accorded a lowly social position in comparison with those who practiced agriculture and animal husbandry [37], they were not given equal status with those from an agricultural and animal husbandry background. Moreover, they have no voice in the Gadaa system [34].

2.3 Participants

This study targeted blacksmiths, for whom the snowball sampling approach was employed to locate and select the right participants. Specifically, Exponential Discriminative snowball sampling technique was adopted in this study. Accordingly, each subject gave multiple referrals; however, only one subject was recruited from each referral based on the criteria set to maintain maximum variation among the participants. This implies aside from being blacksmiths, other criteria which includes, age, marital status, role in the blacksmithing firms, and engagement in other livelihood activities were used as criteria to maintain maximum variation among the participants. These criteria were used every time a new participant had to be selected until the 11th blacksmith when saturation of the themes was attained.

Although it was planned to engage participants from both genders, no female blacksmiths were found at all. Thus, all of the participants were male. Their age ranges from 25 to 56 years, of whom six are older than 40 years old. The age of the other three blacksmiths falls into the range of 30–40 years. Only two blacksmiths were found to be within the range of 25–30 years old. Two blacksmiths have a high school level of education. Another one dropped out of 8th grade. The educational level of three other blacksmiths corresponds to the primary level: grades 6, 4, and 3, respectively. The remaining five blacksmiths had no schooling experience at all. Except one blacksmith who gained the skill at the age of 20s, all blacksmiths gained the skill of blacksmithing at their early age through unanticipated observation.

Eight blacksmiths are married, while two others are single. Only one blacksmith was divorced. Regarding their role in the blacksmithing firm in which they work, four of them were owners, whereas three others were partners with the owners. The other two participants were working for owners. One was the son of one of the four owners, while the remaining one was the nephew of another owner. All blacksmiths had additional occupations other than blacksmithing. They were engaged in other seasonal agricultural jobs such as crop production, poultry, dairy, and mixed farming [38].

2.4 Instruments

Two instruments were used to gather data. These are interview protocols and field notes for observation. The observation was employed to gather first-hand information on the details of what happened in every blacksmith's daily activity, while the semi-structured interview was meant for issues that needed reflections, clarifications, and confirmations of events or activities from the observations. Besides, field notes were taken from the start to gain additional insights into the activities. Since it is difficult in such a qualitative study to speculate on how and why blacksmiths do what they do, it is advised to go to the field and generate interview questions there [32,39]. As per this advice, it was decided to go to the blacksmiths with a general outline of the research questions. Indeed, items related to the participants' profiles were directly incorporated as part of the protocols. In addition, the issues raised by the research questions were listed as leading questions. The first three blacksmiths were engaged with these draft protocols, from which specific items were developed.

The interview protocol, in general, consists of three categories of items. The first category corresponds to items targeting participants’ profiles. Items referring to activities, techniques, starting materials, and reagents are organized under the second category. This category consists of three items and two probing cases. The third category consists of items aimed at the knowledge behind each mechanism, activity, material, and reagent used to determine the quality and suitability of the metallic materials, whereas the fourth category is concerned with the origins and modes of knowledge transfer of the blacksmithing practice in Guji community. Each of these categories comprises two questions and five probing cases. Almost the same issues were examined during the observation, participation, and note-taking.

2.5 Data collection and analysis

As this is a qualitative inquiry, the data collection and analysis were carried out at the same time. The data collection involved a formal interview and informal dialogue. The informal dialogue was employed as a tool for observing, participating, experiencing, and interacting with the informants. It was employed during the observations and participation. It was my first exposure to and experience of the blacksmiths’ day-to-day activities. That means the observations, participations, and engagements were used as non-discursive ways of gathering data that involved direct involvement as insiders, from which data were taken in the form of field notes, photographs, and videos. The formal interview was administered in cases where implicit worldviews, values, cultural codes of conduct, strategies, clarifications, and justifications are of interest. All the formal interviews were audio-recorded.

A five-step procedure of data analysis was adopted to analyze the data. These include compiling and organizing the data, disassembling the data, reassembling the data, interpreting the data and concluding the results. To do so, the resulting data were organized and analyzed in accordance with the research questions. At the end of each round of observation, themes such as activities, materials, sense of knowledge, and mode of knowledge and skill transfer were identified. Besides, issues that needed further clarification or confirmation were identified for the upcoming interview. In addition to the items of the protocol, these issues were also raised and discussed in the interview. Then, the resulting audio files were transcribed and underwent coding. Besides the issues raised by the research questions, the analysis also involved the examination of the work settings, a series of events, and observations of underlying phenomena.

To maintain the credibility of the findings, the themes and sub-themes from the observation, interview, and field notes were triangulated. Diagnosed inconsistencies were either re-clarified or justified accordingly. The member checking involved a communicative validation of data and interpretations with participants to verify the generated data. The researchers read the transcribed data and thereby asked the participants to confirm if it was exactly what they wanted it to mean. This was done to verify whether the generated data is a true reflection of what had happened in the view of the participants. It was also tried to spend adequate time, observe the various aspects of a setting, speak with a range of people, and obtain the informants’ trust. In accordance with the transferability of the findings, it was strived to provide the details of the research settings to enable readers to make their own decisions on the transferability of the findings.

Ethical Statement

First and foremost, a letter of permission was received from Addis Ababa University's Department of Science and Mathematics Education. Then, the Guji Zone Cultural Bureau was consulted. The tribe's social leaders and blacksmiths were also asked for permission to get into their communities and working places. Moreover, participants (Blacksmiths) were given the opportunity to provide informed consent and free choice of participating in the study. Both written and verbal consent were obtained. Oral consent was sought from the participants who were unable to read. Those who could read, however, provided written consent. Consent to take photographs and record videos were also taken. Participants were also notified of their right to withdraw from the study at any moment, without danger or prejudice. Moreover, on February 14, 2023, the College of Education and Behavioral Studies Institutional Ethics Review Committee of Addis Ababa University issued an ethical approval certificate to conduct the study. The ethics approval number is CEBS_IERC_ SMED_008/2023. To keep participant identities safe, pseudonyms were used. Participants were also made aware that the data they provided would only be utilized for this study and academic research. Thus, participants in this study were not exposed to any risk or potential harm.

3 Results

3.1 The working environment and physical setting of blacksmithing in Guji

The physical setting of the blacksmiths’ working places is almost identical to the regular homes of the local people, with the exception that pillars are positioned at specific intervals instead of walls. The workshop/the shade are a small, round, wooden-built structure with slightly conical grass or plastic roof. All the blacksmithing places have a forge, a place where metals are heated. There are a bunch of metallic substances that are found in the shades or houses of blacksmithing as shown on Fig. 2 below.Fig. 2 A photo of an internal view of a blacksmith's shade.

Fig. 2

The basic tools/materials used by the blacksmiths in Guji are Burruusa or marteelloo (Hammer), Utubaa or Utuduu (Anvil), Qabduu or qarabaa (tong), Buufaa (Bellows), booy'ee/xuuxxoo (thin tube or pipe made from metal or bamboo tree and tied to bellows), and torn clothes. Fig. 3 shows sample photos that shows the basic blacksmiths' tools.Fig. 3 A sample photo of blacksmith's basic tools from Bati Duba's workshop.

Note: (1 = Utubduu/dagaa (to refers to anvil), 2 = bellows (to mean bellows), 3 = qarabaa (to refers to tongs), 4 = martelloo/Burruusa (to refers to hammer).

Fig. 3

A blacksmith's hammer in the study area is a hand tool with a heavy metallic head that is attached to a wooden handle and swung to strike a specific area of an object. It is either made by the smith or purchased, but it is mostly made by them. The fact that the blacksmiths can make their hammers means that they know the basis of measurement, strength, force, heat, and related types of energy. In this regard, they make it by heating a very hard metal (sibiila gar-malee jabaa) until it turns yellow, then hammering one of its ends like a driving nail, punching (making a hole), submerging it in cold water to harden (quenching), and fixing a wooden handle into the hole.

As witnessed from informants, the length of the hammer handle affects blacksmithing operations. The longer the handle, the more difficult it is to guide the hammer's head to its target at full speed. A hammer with an excessively long handle is inefficient because it becomes off-target. It would be like what is commonly known in school science as "delivering force to the wrong place". A hammer with a short handle is ineffective because it does not deliver enough force, necessitating more strikes to finish a given task. Therefore, a medium-sized hammer with a medium-sized handle is appropriate to complete a given task. It should be about the length of the forearm. The anvil is an iron or steel block on which metal is placed to be shaped. The blacksmiths called it Utubduu/dagaa, which means supporter. The blacksmith's anvil is made of hard metal, and it has a smooth working surface. The tongs are of different sizes and are used for holding metallic substances during forging and shaping into the desired materials to be made. The blacksmiths called it qabduu in Afan Oromo. The blacksmiths also use materials such as bellows, charcoal, white sand, oil, and water. Charcoal is used as a source of heat. It is called cilee in the local language, Afan Oromo. The common materials that the blacksmiths make are shiifaa (knife), baawwee (shovel), qirixxee (chisel), heeboo (spear), maarashaa (plow), cuupii (sword), maraca, qoxxoo (axe), hamtuu (sickle), and naxxee (wedge). Fig. 4 shows a bunch of these materials taken from the shade of one of the blacksmiths.Fig. 4 A Photo of some common materials crafted by blacksmiths in Guji.

Note: (1 = Ooroo, 2 = shoolee, 3 = shiifaa (knives), 4 = qocii, 5 = cuubii (to refers to sword), 6 = naxxee (to refers to wedge), 7 = korma (used to punch a hole), 8 = qirixxee (to refers to chisel) and 9 = sunsuma (modified traditional hearth).

Fig. 4

The demands for agricultural tools differ throughout the year based on the seasons and the underlying agricultural activities. Different agricultural tools are needed in different seasons. Tools such as shovels, plows, and axes are more in demand in the land preparation season than other materials, while a sickle is more needed during the harvesting season. On the other hand, there are relatively constant demands throughout all seasons for household and general tools such as knives, wedges, chisels, and spears.

3.2 Ways of identifying the types, qualities, and suitability of metals

It is apparent that Blacksmiths work with different forms of iron. However, Guji blacksmiths are unfamiliar with the term ‘iron’. So, they refer to iron and different forms of iron in their workshop and those brought by customers, ranging from worn-out agricultural and household tools to parts of car bodies they work with as simply metal/metals. Thus, the term "metal" and the phrase "types of metals" were utilized in this paper to refer to iron and different forms of iron, such as steel, mild steel, and wrought iron, respectively, in order to properly reflect the terminology used by Guji's blacksmiths. The customers also come up with some need in mind for the tools they want the metals forged for. The extent of meeting their needs, however, all depends on the types, qualities, and suitability of the metallic materials they brought. Interestingly, we found that clients often knew this as well.

Bali Ararso (name changed) is a 48-year-old blacksmith. He owns a blacksmithing firm, in which his son and niece work as well. In addition to blacksmithing, he is engaged in mixed farming. Staring at the disorderly piles of metallic materials and car body parts, he started to explain as follows:Before beginning any activities, I test the quality of a metallic material. Tools such as qirixxee (chisel), naxxee (wedge), cuupii (sword), and heeboo (spire) must be hard enough. Hard metals are those metals that tend to shatter after repeated hammering, when struck to mold or stretched it […]. Those that cracked after only a few hits are weak and impure. On the other hand, a shovel, dogolaa, and jinfuu heeboo [material fastened at one end of spires] are made from strong metals that withstand loads without breaking to be molded or stretched. I therefore use a sparking test to verify whether a piece of metal is suitable for making desired tools.

According to Bali, strength and hardness is the core issue of such a process of examining and determining the suitability of the metallic materials brought by clients. Bali asserted that the strength and hardness of the materials should be examined first to decide which tools can be forged. This emphasis on strength or hardness is justified by the fact that some tools must be very strong so they can withstand a load without breaking in order to be molded into the desired shapes, while others must be very hard, so they do not crack after only a few strikes in order to be used for their intended function after forging. Chisel, wedge, axe, sword, and spire are the materials for which maximum hardness is demanded.

Other metallic characteristics such as thickness, size, and purity are also considered during the examination. Bati Duba is the oldest and most experienced blacksmith. He has a blacksmithing firm in which 3 others work. The following is another quote in which the consideration of such characteristics is acknowledged.I've been a blacksmith for over 35 years and am very familiar with metal's qualities. By striking a metal and looking over its texture. Hard metals are very important when producing tools such as naxxee [wedge], qirixxee [chisel], and cuupii [sword]. Very strong metals are mostly used when the strength of the tool being produced is the primary concern. Examples of tools made of very strong metals are dogolaa and baawee [shovel]. The size and thickness of the material also matter. The size or amount of the metal must be equal to or greater than that of the tool to be made.

Just like Bali, Bati underlined the need to consider strength and hardness as a major criterion for determining the suitability of the metallic materials brought by clients. On the contrary, Bati also stressed the need to consider size and thickness while deciding suitability. The consideration of these characteristics has been explicitly observed in almost all the observation sessions.

In general, three themes of mechanisms for identifying the quality or suitability of metals were established from the findings of both the observation and the interview. These are mechanical tests, sparking tests, and looking over the texture. The details of the results are presented as follows, along with typical quotes and interpretations:

Qorqorsuun: It is a kind of a mechanical test that involves striking or hammering the metal sample repeatedly. Locally, hitting metal with a hammer is known as qorqorsuu. If a piece of metal can withstand a load without breaking, that is, if it molds to a desirable shape or stretches after repeated strikes, it is said to be very strong, or sibiila baay'ee cimeessaa, in the local language. It is referred to as a bit strong or hard metal, locally known as hingooma in terms of its strength and jabaa in terms of its hardness, if a piece of metal exhibits signs of shattering rather than stretching or molding into the desired shapes after repeated striking. If a piece of metal begins to break after only a few strikes, when struck to mold it into desirable shapes or hammered to elongate it, it is characterized as weak, and is referred to locally as qashaa/goofa. Metals quality is also determined by breakability. Breakability is deemed by blacksmiths as a sign of impurities. This implies the blacksmiths use malleability and brittleness in the mechanical test to identify the type or quality of a given metallic substance.

Bali Ararso, who we previously quoted, was staring at the collection of materials curled up in front of him while introducing striking tests and explaining how he determines metal types and quality. Below is a quote from his extended elaboration and demonstration.I often use striking to determine the extent of a piece of metal's strength because it is easy and quick. It is also a preferable way to practically show clients the quality of the materials he or she brought. Besides, it doesn’t need extra techniques other than just hitting the piece with a hammer. I classify metal as very strong [sibiila baay'ee cimeessa] if it mold or stretch after numerous strikes without showing any signs of cracking, a bit strong [hingooma] also known as hard [jabaa] if they start to crack after numerous strikes, and not strong or weak [qashaa] if they crack only after a few strikes. Very strong metals are utilized when the primary purpose is making a tool with a complex shape […].

So, Bali prefers striking over other mechanisms for determining the quality and suitability of the metallic materials either brought by clients or that he has been collecting. Being a way of practicing and transparently showing the quality of their materials to clients is another reason why Bali prefers hammering over other mechanisms. Based on the resulting phenomena, Bali classifies the materials' strength as strong, medium, or high. This is what is referred to as tensile strength in school or conventional science. Out of bunches of materials curled up in front of him, he picked a piece of metal and started to hit it. After a few strikes, the piece started cracking. Looking at me with an impressed look, he then said, "You see, it is not that strong." He then took a piece of metal and began striking its edge. As the striking proceeds, the metals stretched more. Bali stood down his hitting and he said, "You see this one is very strong; it withstands whatever a load and forged into the desired shapes." Some of them used the ideas of rusting and purity as well, in addition to malleability and brittleness. The following is an excerpt from Guyie's explanation. Guyie Denbela is a 36-year-old blacksmith. He owns a shade in which the other two men work. He dropped out of high school in grade 11.By hitting a metal, we know its strength, purity, and ability to be bent. This is important because making most of the tools involves molding the metal into the desired shape. The purity itself matters too. When struck, impure materials are easily broken. Even if the identity of a given sample of metal is strong and pure, rusting can make it easily breakable. If you noticed, the moment glowing metals are removed from the forge, a blackish-like color forms on their surface. Due to the development of this black color on the metal's surface, the surface changed to a reddish color after a week or a number of weeks, which we call the rusting process [locally termed cila'uu]. To avoid this, after completing the necessary forging, I rub with a torn cloth to wipe the blackish color. Another efficient mechanism to avoid rusting is painting the metal surface with ground white sand [locally known as maansa adii] and then places it in the forge to glow before forging. This avoids formation of black color on the surface of metals the moment the glowing metals are removed from the forge.

Guyie used the idea of malleability to explain the quality of metals or metallic substances. He stressed malleability, the ability to be bent without breaking or cracking, as an important requirement for forging. Besides, He also used the ideas of purity and corrosion as a trait to quality. Purity was acknowledged in the quote as a quality, but corrosion was negatively addressed. Such a sense of the quality of metals in general or iron, in particular, is almost similar to that of school science, except that the optimal presence of a little proportion of other substances in the case of alloys was not acknowledged at all.

Qaanqeessuu: This theme has been traced through the practices and explanations of four blacksmiths. The four blacksmiths have one characteristic in common, i.e., they are relatively more experienced. These blacksmiths place the metallic material in the forge, wait for it to glow, and then remove it from the forge, hit it with a hammer, and examine what happens. When struck, if it produces a white spark, the metal is considered weak to hard, based on the tendency to be brittle. If it produces a red spark, the metal is considered strong. Beriso Gelgalo is one of the senior blacksmiths who used the idea of sparking tests during both the observations and interviews. He is a 49-year-old blacksmith with no schooling experience. He partnered with one of the other blacksmiths. He is engaged in dairy farming as well.Before accepting clients' orders, I had to always check the metal's quality. To test metal quality, I prefer using a forge because it is the safest technique. It enables me to figure out the true nature of the metal and how it acts during the actual forging [ …. ]. It saves me from a lot of trouble: making unnecessary promises to clients, wastage of time and resources, losing the whole metal upon forging, failing to craft the ordered tools, and the like. I place the metal brought by a client in the forge, wait until it glows, strike it, and observe the color of the spark. Some metals produce red sparks, while others produce white sparks. Metals emitting white sparks range from weak to hard, whereas metals emitting red sparks are very strong […]. Weak metals [locally known as qashaa/goofa] are those that crack after only a few blows, whereas strong metals crack after repeated strikes. Breakability is an indication of impurity.

This quote shows that such an examination of sparks is preferred over the others because it is more accurate, cost-effective, and time effective. For example, in the previous mechanism, blacksmiths considered and examined the nature of metals at room temperature. But in the sparking test, the issue of how the materials behave upon heating is also considered. In the first case, one cannot be sure about how a material behaves upon heating. All four blacksmiths asserted that the sparking test has enabled them to make a wiser decision on whether the materials brought by customers meet the desired requirements for crafting the requested tools.

Roga sakatta'uu: The texture of a hammered metallic sample is critically examined in this mechanism. Just like in the mechanical test, the sample needs to be repeatedly hammered. But this test goes beyond examining what mechanically happens during hammering. The resulting texture is critically examined while hammering. If fine grains [rogaa qaqallaa] were formed upon hammering on the surface of the material, it is taken as very strong. If it creates a smooth texture, it is taken as weak to very hard.

This mechanism was traced to the practices and explanations of six blacksmiths. It is acknowledged as a separate mechanism for determining the suitability of the materials brought by clients as well as those collected by the blacksmiths themselves. Thus, many segments of explanations and observations of this mechanism can be quoted, of which only the following was taken as an example: It was quoted from the transcript of Denbela's elaboration on his demonstration made during observation. Denbela Lolie is a 52-year-old blacksmith. He is among the six blacksmiths who had no schooling experience at all. He has a blacksmithing business in which his son works with him. He also does dairy farming for a living.By hitting and looking over the surfaces of the metals used to manufacture various tools, I classify them as not strong [qashaa], slightly strong [sibiila goomu], and extremely strong [sibiila baayy'ee cimeessaa]. If very fine grains formed on the surface after hitting, it is considered as very strong; if a smooth surface formed but cracks after a few blows, it is considered as not strong or weak [qashaa]. If, on the other hand, the metal's surface has a smooth look and begins to shatter when repeatedly stroke to bend, elongate, or widen it, it is classified as a bit strong [sibiila goomu], also known as hard metals [sibiila jabaa].

By "strong", Denbela was referring to the ability to be bent without breaking or cracking rather than weakness or hardness, which corresponds to ductility and malleability in chemistry. This suggests that blacksmiths acknowledged that strong metals could withstand striking without breaking or cracking. A hard metal, on the other hand, has a metal with smooth surface that begins to crack after repeated hits.

3.3 Blacksmiths’ knowledge of metals

It can easily be realized from the results presented in the previous section that the blacksmiths in Guji have certain experiential knowledge about metals and metallic materials. Thus, they know something about and are using chemistry. For example, in their forging practice, air is fed upward by the bellows through the inner pile of coke, which is the hottest part and the part used to shape the iron. The coal is undergoing combustion as its carbon atoms combine with oxygen to form carbon dioxide. The issue of how the blacksmiths were able to acquire knowledge of the chemistry of blacksmithing needed to be addressed as well. That is to be addressed in this section in accordance with the second research question.

The nature of metals and metallic substances: We learned from the observations, engagements, and formal, and informal discussions we had with the blacksmiths that they know about the nature of metals and metallic substances. For example, it can easily be noticed from the precautions they were taking while forging that the blacksmiths already knew that metals conduct heat. The use of tong is among the precautions that indicate such awareness. It can be recalled from the quote in the third mechanism in the previous section that Denbela compared the case of the reaction of wooden substances to explain how fairly strong, strong, very strong, metals react to striking and the underlying differences in the texture of their surfaces. Such a comparison makes it evident that the blacksmiths know about the malleability of metals.

Corrosion as a threat to the quality and existence of metals: The blacksmiths demonstrated both in the discussion and practice that they are aware of rust or corrosion. The purpose of cleaning the surface with torn clothes after forging is evidence of their knowledge. To prevent rusting, blacksmiths also use silica sand, locally known as maansa adii (white sand). This also shows the blacksmiths' knowledge of corrosion as a trait of the quality and durability of the crafted tools. That is what the “corrosion can make it easily breakable” phrase of the previously cited quote from Guyie's transcript implies. Besides, they used paints and oiling (oil coating). This means that they are aware of the causes and protection methods of corrosion.

Ductility and malleability as important qualities of metals: The results in the previous section (3.2) disclosed how blacksmiths exploit the properties of metal, such as its ability to bend, stretch, or flatten, to redesign it into the desired shape. These properties are intimately associated with the concepts of ductility and malleability in conventional chemistry. Besides, the strength and breaking susceptibility of some scrap highlighted by blacksmiths under section (3.2) may be associated with types of iron, including wrought iron, mild steel, steel, and cast iron in conventional chemistry. So, connecting such familiar context and content can facilitate learning of properties such as malleability, ductility, as well as micro concepts like metallic bonding.

They even know that one of the most important properties of metal is its ability to be bent and forged into the desired shapes without cracking or breaking. Comparing the qualities of the different samples of metallic materials based on the ability to be bent and molded into the desired shape without being broken can be associated with the sliding of metal atoms over one another under load due to a sea of electrons. It is this property of a metal that enables the metal to be hammered into the desired shape without cracking or breaking under pressure. Below is a typical excerpt that shows the extent of their knowledge. It was quoted from the transcript of Bati's extended elaboration.As I have already told you, I have been working on metals for so long. I know about the types and qualities of metals. There are very strong metals, but there are also fair strong metals. You can forge strong metals into any desired shape and tool by heating and hammering them without breaking. However, if we tried to do so, on stone or wooden materials, they would be broken. Stone and wood can’t forge into various shapes; instead, they break after several blows, suggesting that while they may be hard, they are not strong.

It is evident from the quote that the blacksmiths in Guji know that quality in terms of the degree of strength.

3.4 The origin of blacksmiths’ knowledge

The blacksmiths in this study were found to have educational experiences of not more than secondary education (section 3.1). Only two blacksmiths have made it to the high school level. It can, however, be noted from the results in the previous section (section 3.3) that they were at least able to identify the nature and purposes of the different metallic materials that were brought by their customers. In that case, it can be assumed that they would have their own sense of the nature and purposes of the different metallic substances, which they have constructed from their experiences as blacksmiths. Hence, they would have certain knowledge about metals. The point is what and how much they know about metals concerning conventional or school chemistry.

The most important question, however, is how blacksmiths were able to learn about metals without the desired schooling experiences and necessary prior understanding of fundamental chemistry concepts. That is what the third question is all about. Two major concerns brought this question up: the very origin of the knowledge about metals in the community and how the blacksmiths have acquired the knowledge.

Two themes of hypothesis were found in association with the possible origin of blacksmithing in Guji. One locates the origin of their very ancestors in the era of hunting. It is assumed that the art of blacksmithing in general and underlying knowledge systems originated in the Guji during the primitive era in association with the will to make tools for hunting. The other hypothesis locates it to other tribes of southern Ethiopia or neighboring Kenya. Below is an excerpt that shows both types of narratives. It was quoted from the transcripts of Bati's interview. As was already highlighted in the introduction of his quote in Section 3.3, Bati Duba is the oldest of the participant blacksmiths in this study. He is 56 years old.It is hard to tell. I think no one considered that before. Different narratives have existed. Some are even controversial. Some say metal collectors from Kenya or local tribes brought it. Some say it originated right here in Guji with our ancestors. As I told you, it is hard to tell. What we can, however, be sure of despite the controversy surrounding its origin is that the art of blacksmithing has been around for a very long time. I said so because I know that my great-grandfather is a well-known blacksmith and craftsman. My grandfather told me that he was told so by his grandfather. My father told me that he learned much of it from his father. I also remember my grandpa going around and showing us how we could do it better.

In accordance with the second hypothesis, it was believed that these people have a better understanding of metals and blacksmithing, and this study's informants hold the view that blacksmiths from Konso, Dasenech, Surma, or Kenya taught their families more about blacksmithing. Notably, those from Konta were distinct in that they brought raw materials from Konso, Surma, or Dasenech rather than recycling or reshaping scrap metals because their relatives were smelters. Denbela Lolie, for example, said that “metal collectors used to come from neighboring Kenyan communities in search of more supply of metal”.

Concerning the ways of acquiring knowledge about metals, the majority of blacksmiths inherited the art of blacksmithing from their families. Jilo Jarso, for instance, claimed, "My father, paternal grandfather, and paternal great-grandfather were all blacksmiths." However, some participants claim that they learned all about art through careful introspection, prudent observation, and practice. A similar pattern of practice and learning was traced from the narratives of all participants. It is a pattern of trial-and-error learning. Novices and juniors are all allowed to practice and learn by themselves. They try different activities, and if they find them useful, they continue to use that procedure. They are encouraged to experiment with various activities, and if one proves useful, they stick with it. In this regard, we also observed when juniors were encouraged to concentrate, actively listen to experts, and observe their work.

The following is a typical excerpt from Guyie's reflection on how he has learned all about metals and blacksmithing. Guyie Beriso is a 36-year-old blacksmith who is currently working under one of the owners. As was mentioned in the previous quote, he dropped out of grade 3.There is a known blacksmith in my village. His name is [name removed]. I frequently went to [name removed] workshop, thoroughly observed each activity, and asked a series of questions about why he did it the way he did it, and he explained the reasons. Gradually, I began bellowing the bellows and performing simple tasks, and later, I began performing complex tasks. After a long year of practice, I became skilled in blacksmithing. I'm so grateful for [name removed].

4 Discussion

In this study, it was found that the blacksmiths in Guji use three mechanisms to identify the quality and suitability of metallic materials collected for reprocessing. These are the textural, mechanical, and sparking tests. Correspondingly, there are five principal mechanisms found in the literature of ancient blacksmithing and metallurgy to identify the quality and suitability of metallic materials collected for reprocessing [40]. These are observing the color of the material while it is heated, observing the strength of the materials by the ease of forging, determining the strength and hardness at the ambient temperature, using lodestone (a natural magnet) to measure the magnetic qualities of the materials, and examining how compact the materials are. The observation of strength and hardness as well as compactness, for example, is closely related to the mechanical and sparking tests that we found in our study. There are also similarities between the observation of the color of the materials and the look-over texture approaches reported in our study. Similarly, though the labels of the mechanisms differ, considerations of similar features were reported in related studies conducted in Sudan [27. 29], South Africa [27,41], Zimbabwe [42], Nigeria [27,37] and Kenya [27]. However, the techniques in some of these studies are somewhat advanced and even comparable with what has been used in extraction and metallurgy in modern or conventional chemistry [27. 29, 39, 41].

The findings also depicted that customers come up with some demands or needs in mind for the tools they want the metals forged for. The extent of meeting their needs, however, depends on the types, qualities, and suitability of the metallic materials they brought. Interestingly, we found that clients often knew this as well. This implies that even the clients, who are less educated and do not know much about blacksmithing, have certain knowledge about metals and metallic materials. This shows how much blacksmithing, as a knowledge system, is the shared knowledge of members of a given community. This means that, unlike formal school knowledge that remains in the school and within the textbooks, the art of blacksmithing incorporates such a shared common knowledge of the community [20]. Such understandings are common knowledge shared by all members of a communities, ethnic group, kin network, or family. Many of these are learned through phenomenological experience and everyday activities [42].

Besides, the findings of this study strengthen the argument that people without any educational background have fundamentals of metals though it is not in conventional scientific terms. Consistently, the literature shows that blacksmiths and craftsmen know better about metals as their lives of blacksmiths are associated in many ways with metals and metallic substances [41]. This is due to the fact that blacksmithing is often an inherited art, which contributes to the overall cognitive growth of the blacksmiths. As a result, blacksmiths and craftsmen were found to have mastery of the fundamentals of metals (such as properties, structure, constituents, compositions, purposes, and usage of metals), which are usually thought be obtained solely through formal schooling [38,41]. However, there have been differences in the scope and depth of the knowledge blacksmiths have about metals. Such differences are understandable as the working environments, exposures, years of practice, and contexts differ on an individual and community basis. For instance, some indigenous communities in ancient Egypt, Syria, South Africa, and Zimbabwe were reported to have a sophisticated knowledge system of metallurgy and the extraction of a range of metallic substances, including copper, gold, pig iron, wrought iron, and bronze [41]. These blacksmiths were also found to have a mastery of the basis of chemical reactions, the chemical properties of different elements and compounds, common minerals and ores, and extraction approaches.

Moreover, the blacksmiths in Guji know from their experience that metals can easily stretch and be hammered into different shapes. This aligned with concepts of ductility and malleability in conventional chemistry. They also know that stretching and hammering metal into different shapes is very easy when it is heated. This conception corresponds to chemistry concepts of metallic crystal and micro crystal rearrangement (phase transformation). It is apparent that iron and steel at room temperature have a body-centered cubic (BCC) structure. When subjected to heat, the bonds between iron atoms are relaxed from their BCC state and transform into the face-centered cubic (FCC) structure. This process is referred to as micro crystal structure rearrangement/phase transformations. Even though blacksmiths cannot explain this phenomenon in conventional chemistry terms, they make sense of the phenomenon in terms of ease of deformation and elongation. Similarly, though they are unable to provide an explanation, blacksmiths in the study area also understand that metals do not break under a load. This is so interesting that they were already able to make sense of the fundamentals of metals, which demand a prior understanding of metallics that many learners fail to understand.

Further, blacksmiths in Guji also have knowledge of thermal conductivity of metals. This is disclosed from the phenomena that blacksmiths place one end of metal into the forge and wait till it glowed; they then remove it holding the other end with tongs. It was revealed from their justification that the area of metal pieces that are not in direct contact with heat sources also becomes hot, so holding it with their hands would result in hand burns; for this reason, they hold it with tongs. Such familiar contexts help to easily comprehend concepts of thermal conductivity, safety rules and the reason why metals are good conductors of heat.

Regarding the origin of blacksmithing in Guji communities, two themes of hypothesis were found in this study. One is the origination of the art or practices among the ancestors of Guji themselves, and the other is about the art brought by explorers and metallurgists from other communities in Kenya or southern Ethiopia. Thus, the narratives are all controversial. But the controversies are understandable. The issue of possession has remained controversial in the history of indigenous studies in general and blacksmithing in particular. What has been documented as indigenous, unique, or native could also be claimed by other communities to have been imported, copied, or even stolen from it. This, again, strengthens the politics of science, knowing, and knowledge that is associated with the controversies of what to qualify as originated or copied, indigenous or conventional knowledge, indigenous or native, indigenous or traditional, science or pseudoscience, standard or naïve science, and the like [[3], [4], [5]]. Thus, it is hard to locate the exact origin of the art and knowledge possessed by Guji blacksmiths. What can, however, be certain is that, whether it was originally from Guji or not, the practice has been around for decades. The other interesting finding of this study is that the approach to sustaining the art and knowledge throughout the generations was found to be constructivist as it allows beginners and novices to practice and learn at their own pace with minimal involvement of the elders and experts.

5 Conclusions

This study aimed to explore the blacksmithing practice in the Guji community of Ethiopia with a special emphasis on the blacksmiths’ knowledge and ways of knowing about the qualities, types, and purposes of metals. By doing so, it was hoped to create insights into what series of activities blacksmiths perform, how blacksmiths make sense of chemical knowledge behind each activity, and how the blacksmiths acquired chemical knowledge rooted in blacksmithing practices. To meet this very aim, three research questions were formulated and used in the course of the study. The first research question was concerned with the mechanisms that blacksmiths in Guji use to test and identify the quality of metallic substances before proceeding with the forging of an intended tool or item. The second research question focused on what chemistry the blacksmiths knew about the mechanisms they were using. The third research question was concerned with the origins and ways of acquiring knowledge.

For the first research question, it was found that three mechanisms were often used by blacksmiths to determine the qualities, types, and suitability of different metallic materials. These were the mechanical test, sparking test, and look-over texture. Regarding the second research question, blacksmiths were found to have a remarkable sense or conception of the fundamentals of metals and metallic bonding (nature, types, constituents, purposes, and usage of metals). The participants were blacksmiths with poor educational status, most of whom did not make it beyond primary-level education. It was striking that they were able to make sense of the chemistry of metals without an adequate level of formal education. The blacksmiths were also found to be able to make sense of malleability and ductility as important features of the quality of metallic materials. Besides, they already knew about rust as a potential threat to the existence of metals, its causes, and ways of prevention. They were also found to be well aware of the difference between hardness and strength as well as weakness and softness.

Concerning the third research question, we have learned that it is hard to tell when, where, and how the art of blacksmithing originated in Guji. The origin appeared to just be traced to two controversial narratives: blacksmithing originated in Guji or was brought from other tribes by metal collectors. Again, it is hard to tell which one of the two narratives looks more convincing. It needs further inquiry. However, the approach to acquiring knowledge was found to be constructivist, in which youngsters or novices are allowed to learn their way with minimal guidance and support from elders or expert blacksmiths.

In conclusion, it was found from this study that individuals with no or little experience in formal chemistry education can make sense of and use the chemistry of metals. Besides, the approach of acquiring and transferring knowledge in such a traditional practice appeared to be constructivism, while our practice of school chemistry education is criticized for still being dominated by behaviorism. It can, therefore, be concluded that the blacksmithing practice in Guji has utilizable chemistry contents and concepts that could enhance learning of chemistry by creating familiar context. It can be also implied that our chemistry education could benefit more if such local knowledge and ways of knowing were reasonably examined and integrated. As a result, we suggest further inquiries into the chemistry in the day-to-day lives of local communities and the possible ways of integration in the curricula and instruction of school chemistry, at least at the level of teacher education is vital, to boost the epistemological competence of prospective teachers. The issue of what and where to integrate is suggested to also be examined in accordance with the contemporary theories of knowledge and the politics of knowing. Table 1 shows just one alternative approach to integration that was proposed based on the correspondence theory of truth.Table 1 Alternative areas, topics, and ways of integration.

Table 1Blacksmiths' explanations or practices	The corresponding chemistry concepts	Implication	
Metal withstands a load, and do not break but rather bend, stretch, or wind	- Metallic bonding and properties of metals, alloys, types and uses of iron	Ease and meaningful learning clarified confusions and misconceptions and reduced learning difficulties	
Breakability under a load	Types of iron, tensile strength	Impurity, for example, the amount of carbon in iron alloys	
Formation of black color when glowed metal pulled out from the forge	Formation of iron oxide that causes rusting	Expedite learning of rusting formation	
Cleaning the materials ahead of any task, painting white sand, coating with oils	The causes, damage, and protection methods of corrosion	Accelerate learning and relevancy of related chemistry concepts	
Formation of white spark and red spark	Corresponding to wrought iron and steel	Facilitated learning types of iron and steel, make the contents more relevant	
Formation of fine grains surface and smooth surface	Corresponds to wrought iron and steel	Facilitated learning types of iron	
In this regard, teacher educators are advised to let pre-service teachers explore, compile, and utilize the chemistry in the day-to-day lives of such tribes, and underlying ways of knowing in their teaching-learning practice.

Data availability statement

This article is the result of a dissertation project, and the data will be submitted to the Addis Ababa University Institutional Repository (AAUETD)" immediately after the dissertation is completed, and will be accessible at https://etd.aau.edu.et. Aside from that, the authors agree to provide data and materials supporting the results or analyses upon reasonable request.

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Mengesha Tigist: Writing – review & editing, Writing – original draft, Resources, Methodology, Investigation, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization. Mekbib Alemu: Writing – review & editing, Supervision, Conceptualization.

Declaration of competing interest

The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Appendix A Supplementary data

The following is the Supplementary data to this article.Multimedia component 1

Multimedia component 1

Appendix A Supplementary data to this article can be found online at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2024.e37855.
==== Refs
References

1 Emeagwali G. Shizha E. African Indigenous Knowledge and the Sciences: Journeys into the Past and Present 2016 Springer
2 Sithole M. Opportunities of incorporating african indigenous knowledge systems (AIKS) in the physics curriculum Alternation Journal 18 2016 255 294
3 Smith L.T. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples, Twelfth Impression 2008 University of Otago Press Dunedin, New Zealand Level 1/398 Cumberland Street
4 Cobern W.W. Loving C.C. Defining “Science” in a Multicultural World: Implications for Science Education. Sci Ed, 85 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Inc 50 67
5 Gupta A.D. Does indigenous knowledge have anything to deal with sustainable development Cult. Anthropol. 57 2013 64
6 Masemula M.B. Integration of Modern Science and Indigenous Knowledge Systems: towards a Coexistence of the Two Systems of Knowing in the South African Curriculum 2013
7 Shaw R. Takeuchi Y. Uy N. Sharma A. Indigenous knowledge: disaster risk reduction, policy note Bangkok: UNISDR Asia and the Pacific 2009
8 Katonga H. Teacher Education and Indigenous Epistemological Discourse in Integrated Science: the Case of a College of Education in Zambia 2017 Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences
9 Baquete A.M. Grayson D. Mutimucuio I.V. An exploration of indigenous knowledge related to physics concepts held by senior citizens in Chókwé, Mozambique Int. J. Sci. Educ. 38 1 2016 1 16
10 Ng'Asike J.T. Turkana children's rights to education and indigenous knowledge in science teaching in Kenya New Zealand Journal of Teachers’ Work 8 1 2011 55 67
11 Absolon K. Indigenous wholistic theory: a knowledge set for practice. First peoples child & family review: an interdisciplinary journal honouring the voices, perspectives, and knowledge of first peoples through research, critical analyses Stories, Standpoints and Media Reviews 5 2 2010 74 87
12 Walsh F.J. Dobson P.V. Douglas J.C. Anpernirrentye: a framework for enhanced application of indigenous ecological knowledge in natural resource management Ecol. Soc. 18 3 2013
13 Ministry of Education [MoE] General Education Curriculum Framework of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia 2020
14 Ministry of Education [MoE] Curriculum Framework for Teacher Education 2022 January 2022, Addis Ababa
15 Baynes R. Austin J. Indigenous knowledge in the Australian national curriculum for science: from conjecture to classroom practice Paper Presented at the International Indigenous Development Research Conference 2012 Proceedings 2012
16 Kim M. Indigenous knowledge in Canadian science curricula: cases from Western Canada Cult. Stud. Sci. Educ. 12 3 2017 605 613
17 Moyra K. Khupe C. Muza B. It matters who you are: indigenous knowledge research and researchers Educ. Change 20 2 2016 163 183
18 Mwinzi J.M. Theoretical frameworks and indigenous knowledge systems International Journal of Education Research 3 2 2015 677 684
19 Dewi C. Khery Y. Erna M. An ethnoscience study in chemistry learning to develop scientific literacy Jurnal Pendidikan IPA Indonesia 8 2 2019 279 287
20 Khupe C. Indigenous Knowledge and School Science: Possibilities for Integration 2014 University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Science School of Science Education
21 Teshome A. IndigeIndigenous knowledge in Ethiopian school curriculum Social Sciences XVIII 89–95 No2 2017 89 95
22 Holbrook J. Meeting challenges to sustainable development through science and technology education Sci. Educ. Int. 20 2009 44 59
23 Kazeni M. Onwu G. Comparative effectiveness of context-based and traditional approaches in teaching genetics: student views and achievement African Journal of research in mathematics, science and technology education 17 1–2 2013 50 62
24 Ayalew Y. Areaya S. Sociocultural mathematics in Ethiopia: a glocal view of Dire Dawa context Journal of Mathematics and Culture 15 3 2021 66 85
25 Gracius Z. The Epistemological Basis of Indegenious Knowledge System of Science Education 2014 (PhD Desertation Unpublished)
26 Hailu N.W. Ethnomathematics in Ethiopia: futile or fertile for mathematics education? Momona Ethiopian Journal of Science 8 2 2016 146 167 10.4314/mejs.v8i2.4
27 Haaland G. Haaland R. Rijal S. The social life of iron: a cross-cultural study of technological, symbolic, and social aspects of iron making Anthropos 97 2002 35 54
28 Anderson J.E. Indigenous knowledge and intellectual property rights International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences second ed. 2015 Elsevier Inc. 769 778
29 Scopas P. The origins and culture of blacksmiths in Kuku society of Sudan, 1797–1955 J. Afr. Cult. Stud. 18 2 2006 169 186 10.1080/13696810601104734
30 da Silva M. The chemistry of indigenous peoples Acta Scientific Pharmaceutical Sciences 3 7 2019 20 21
31 Creswell J.W. Educational Research: Planning. Conducting, and Evaluating 2012
32 Yin R.K. Qualitative Research from Start to Finish 2011 Guilford Publications, Inc New York, NY
33 Angers J. Machtmes K. An ethnographic-case study of beliefs, context factors, and practices of teachers integrating technology Qual. Rep. 10 4 2005 771 794
34 Jaleta A. Gada (Oromo democracy): an example of classical african civilization J. Pan Afr. Stud. 126 2012
35 Tadesse J. The grand values in the gada system: the guji-oromo gada system in focus Journal of Indigenous Knowledge and Development Studies 2 1 2020 1 20
36 Hinika M.H. Julla D.R. Life trajectories and changing patterns of marginalization among the smiths of hararge, Ethiopia J. Asian Afr. Stud. 56 4 2021 836 850
37 Alemu D. Kedir M. Deciphering meanings embedded in the cultural ornaments of Guji Oromo women of Southern Ethiopia Heliyon 7 4 2021 e06774 10.1016/j.heliyon.2021.e06774
38 Akinwinsola F. Williams A. The art of blacksmithing in ile-oluji, ondo state International Journal of Arts and Humanities 8 6 2020 81 84
39 Merriam S.B. Qualitative research: a guide to design and implementation (Revised and expanded from Qualitative research and case study applications in education) San Francisco, the Jossey-Bass Higher and Adult Education Series 2009 Viewed http://eds-courses.ucsd.edu/tep288a/shortbook.pdf
40 Sherby D.O. Wadsworth J. Ancient blacksmiths, the iron age, damascus steel, and metallurgy J. Mater. Process. Technol. 117 2001 347 353
41 Miller D. Indigenous iron production in southern Africa: archaeological observation and interpretation MEDITARCH 14 2001 229 234
42 Bruchac M. Indigenous knowledge and traditional knowledge Smith C. Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology 2014 Springer New York 3814 3824
